

It all started with the people....
Worcester's Revolution
"without any Head to advise, or Leader to conduct""At Lexington, professional British soldiers fired at a handful of local farmers. This act of violence, allegedly perpetrated by the enemy, gave the Americans the moral high ground and helped mobilize support. The story had been repeated so often that it has effectively muffled the revolution of the preceding year. Leaderless, ubiquitous, and bloodless, the first transfer of political authority from the British to Americans has not been able to compete. It was not lacking as a revolution, it has only lacked an audience to comprehend and appreciate it."
Hopefully this book will help to provide the audience this neglected episode of American History deserves.
Mr. Raphael has done us a wonderful service in putting forth his research into the rebellion that took place in Worcester, Massachusetts in 1774. The "first American Revolution." He builds an impressive case not only for what took place, but also for the possible reasons why this rebellion has not received the recognition it is due. He even refers to what followed at Lexington and Concord as a "counterrevolution" on the part of the British government in an attempt to regain the colony they had already lost.
Examining what lead up to the British establishment of the Massachusetts Government Act, the response of the local farmers to it, how it spread throughout the rural communities of Massachusetts, and the resulting confrontation that came just under a year later at Lexington and Concord, the author gives factual backing to the belief that people can indeed work together without requiring "leaders" or some hierarchical structure to ensure success.
In general, people like to have individuals to hold on to when studying the past. For some this perhaps relieves them from feeling the need to take personal responsibility for their own lives. I have often heard folks say the reason they do not attend local governmental meetings - such as city council, or county commissioner meetings, is that they "elected" these officials to do the work so they wouldn't have to. It is also a bit easier to blame such individuals when things go wrong. Some of us also convince ourselves (or get the message from those who are more comfortable if we remain docile and obedient servants) that we do not have the stuff to make a difference like someone famous could or can.
This is not the story of specific individuals, even though you will learn of people you most likely have never heard of before, neither is it about a faceless mob. These were individuals who saw beyond personal celebrity status and came together with the full intention of their rebellion being based in "the body of the people." Something folks from the whole spectrum of political thought seem to suggest is sorely needed in Washington, DC today. (I happen to agree.)
Or as Mr. Raphael puts it....
" The telling of history cries out for individual protagonists. If an isolated hero or leader doesn't emerge naturally, we try to invent one. In this case, however, none could even be conjured. There was no one person, not even a small group, who could have made the Revolution of 1774 any more or less than it was. This revolution was conducted by and for the participants, giving it both power and legitimacy."
and..........
" Without entrenched leaders, there could be no chain of command. The people of each locality, although communicating with each other through their committees of correspondence, received no orders from a central authority. They did develop some shared motifs - - most notably, forcing officials to recant while passing through the ranks, hats in hand - - but the local groups operated without any coordinating body to plot a strategy or plan the various confrontations."
and finally........
" The Massachusetts Revolution of 1774 was not only decentralized but thoroughly ubiquitous. Both temporally and geographically, it lacked concrete definition. It simply erupted, everywhere and whenever. It has been as confusing, perhaps, to students of history as it was to Governor Gage, who had no idea how to respond. "
It was indeed quite confounding to folks such as Lord Dartmouth who.......
"...........found it difficult to believe that Governor Gage had lost out to ' a tumultuous Rabble, without any Appearance of general Concert, or without any Head to advise, or Leader to conduct.' Dartmouth failed to comprehend the power of the people to act in their behalf, and even today, the revelation that ordinary people, ' without any Head to advise,' toppled the British-controlled government in Massachusetts engenders blank, incredulous states."
Anyone who believes you MUST have clearly identified leaders and a hierarchical structure in order to accomplish something will be challenged by the history told in this book. Those who sometimes feel there is little chance of changing those things which they believe to be wrong with their government will perhaps find hope within these pages. At the very least, the reader will be made much more aware of a chapter of American History that up until now has received far less recognition then it deserves.
One final note.......
For anyone that might be wondering about the author's understanding of how women, Africans (slave or free), and indigenous peoples were involved and effected by the American Revolution, I highly recommend Mr. Raphael's previous book : A People's History of The American Revolution - 2001 - also by The New Press. The two, read together, serve as an excellent introduction or review of the War of Independence.


illuminates Chomsky's dissident analysis"In the study of any system, it is often useful to look at something radically different, to highlight crucial features. Let's begin, then, by looking at a society that is close to the opposite pole from ours: Brezhnev's USSR.
Consider policy formation. In Brezhnev's USSR, economic policy was determined in secret, by centralized power; popular involvement was nil, except marginally, through the Communist Party. Political policy was in the same hands. The political system was meaningless, with virtually no flow from bottom to top.
Consider next the information system, inevitably constrained by the distribution of economic-political power. In Brezhnev's USSR there was a spectrum, bounded by disagreements within centralized power. True, the media were never obedient enough for the commissars. Thus they were bitterly condemned for undermining public morale during the war in Afghanistan, playing into the hands of the imperial aggressors and their local agents from whom the USSR was courageously defending the people of Afghanistan. For the totalitarian mind, no degree of servility is ever enough.
There were dissidents and alternative media: underground samizdat and foreign radio. According to a 1979 US government-funded study, 77% of blue-collar workers and 96% of the middle elite listened to foreign broadcasts, while the alternative press reached 45% of high-level professionals, 41% of political leaders, 27% of managers, and 14% of blue-collar workers. The study also found most people satisfied with living conditions, favoring state-provided medical care, and largely supportive of state control of heavy industry; emigration was more for personal than political reasons.
Dissidents were bitterly condemned as "anti-Soviet" and "supporters of capitalist imperialism," as demonstrated by the fact that they condemned the evils of the Soviet system instead of marching in parades denouncing the crimes of official enemies. They were also punished, not in the style of US dependencies such as El Salvador, but harshly enough.
The concept "anti-Soviet" is particularly striking. We find similar concepts in Nazi Germany, Brazil under the generals, and totalitarian cultures generally. In a relatively free society, the concept would simply evoke ridicule. Imagine, say, that Italian critics of state power were condemned for "anti-Italianism." Such concepts as "anti-Soviet" are the very hallmark of a totalitarian culture; only the most dedicated and humorless commissar could use such terms.
Well-behaved party hacks were guilty of no such crimes as anti-Sovietism. Their task was to applaud the state and its leaders; or even better, criticize them for deviating from their grand principles, thus instilling the propaganda line by presupposition rather than assertion, always the most effective technique.
With these observations as background, let us turn to our own free society.
Begin again with policy formation. Economic policy is determined in secret; in law and in principle, popular involvement is nil. The Fortune 500 are more diverse than the Politburo, and market mechanisms provide far more diversity than in a command economy. But a corporation, factory, or business is the economic equivalent of fascism: decisions and control are strictly top-down. People are not compelled to purchase the products or rent themselves to survive, but those are the sole choices.
The political system is closely linked to economic power, both through personnel and broader constraints on policy. Efforts of the public to enter the political arena must be barred: liberal elites see such efforts as a dangerous "crisis of democracy," and they are intolerable to statist reactionaries ("conservatives"). The political system has virtually no flow from bottom to top, apart from the local level; the general public appears to regard it as largely meaningless.
The media present a spectrum of opinion, largely reflecting tactical divisions within the state-corporate nexus. True, they are never obedient enough for the commissars. The media were bitterly condemned for undermining public morale during the war in Vietnam, playing into the hands of the imperial aggressors and their local agents from whom the US was courageously defending the people of Vietnam; a Freedom House study provides a dramatic example. For the totalitarian mind, again, no degree of servility is enough.
There are dissidents and other information sources. Foreign radio broadcasts reach virtually no one, but alternative media exist, though without a tiny fraction of the outreach of samizdat. Dissidents are bitterly condemned as "anti-American" and "supporters of Communism" as demonstrated by the fact that they condemn the evils of the American system instead of marching in parades denouncing the crimes of official enemies. But they are not severely punished, at least if they are privileged and of the right color. Again, the concept "anti-American" is particularly striking, the very hallmark of a totalitarian mentality."
Just one example of Chomsky's brilliant analysis contained in this seminal study of how the major US media works together with the US government and its corporate interests to undermine democracy. A must read for any student of journalism.
One thumb up, way up.
Chomsky at his Best and most accessible

Great book for teaching history to young children
used it for a report
A Visual Tour-de-force

My favorite cookbook
Elegant, easy recipes from the South!

Best Yet
A significant contribution

An overdue history lesson.
Does great service an important topic

Red Dawn at LexingtonI had not realized before reading this book how many of our nations early heros had developed their military background and leadership ability through their experiences in the French and Indian Wars and how the military leaders on both sides had developed respect for the other because of those shared battles.
I think every American History teacher should own and read this marvelous book to supplement what is available in traditional texts.
An excellent history

Introductory Guide: American Revolution: Myths and Realities
Not Your Average Revolutionary Guide

"Listen. my Children..."Another Revolutionary War rider for freedom was Sybil Ludington. Read about her adventures in Sybil's Night Ride, written and illustrated by Karen B. Winnick. (Boyd's Mill Press, 2000.)
The Stunning Visualization of Paul Revere's Ride
A superb volume from conceptual illustrator Christopher BingThe poem is told over the course of a dozen spreads; the breakdown is not in terms of stanzas and is cued more to the narrative than the form of the poem. But as much as you might enjoy this book if you like poetry, that is nothing compared to what you will think about it if you are a student of history. There are maps of "The Plan for the Secret Expedition to Concord" and "Paul Revere's Ride and the Middlesex Alarm." On the backpiece you can open up a pamphlet being "The Deposition of Paul Revere prepared for the Massachusetts Provincial Congress." Bing might be out to illustrate Longfellow's poem, but he is also very much aware that the poet made up a lot of the details. In his "Miscellany Concerning the Historical Ride of the Patriot Paul Revere" Bing keys his comments to each of this twelve spreads, explaining the "true" history of the fabled ride. In his note on the preparation of this book, Bing take equal pains to explain the stages used in creating his masterful illustrations, which involved a glazing technique to create the "glow" in the nighttime scenes. This is a superb effort and I will definitely track down Bing's earlier volume on Ernest Lawrence Thayer's "Casey at the Bat" and eagerly await anything else this talent conceptual illustrator sets his mind to do.


Sam Adams, Master of Propaganda; John Hancock, Dunderhead!
The Beginning of the Revolution and American PerseveranceTourtellot goes into great detail describing both the physical landscape and political climate of America and that of Lexington and Concord in 1775, and then skillfully weaves the lives of the townspeople and their relationships, one with the other, into his story. The genealogies of the families involved, both the common folk and the major historical figures, are fascinating and add a personal touch to the history of that first skirmish. "The little group Captain Parker mustered on Lexington Common before daybreak on April nineteenth, 1775, had some of the characteristics of a family reunion" (p. 29). He makes the towns and their people come alive for the reader and adds a depth to the story that one does not get simply by reading about the Battle of Lexington and Concord from a history text or an encyclopedia. The contrasts of Samuel Adams and John Hancock make these two "larger than life" historical figures come to life in a new light. "Hancock was handsome...Adams was dumpy and palsied...Hancock...splendidly attired...Adams was so seedy that his friends had to buy him decent clothes..."(p.62). It has made this reader want to read more in depth about their lives along with those of men like Jonas Clarke, a relative of Hancock's, a pastor and political advocate of Lexington, Dr. Joseph Warren, patriot leader, Major General William Heath, the first American field commander. He does not forget an in depth look at the British and their officers in his story as their shortcomings and training play an integral part in the final outcome of this battle.
Tourtellot details the differences between the military forces of the Americans and the British and their differing military tactics. The American military was a hodgepodge of the men of the community who seldom mustered at the same time, whose leaders were chosen from the masses, and who would leave their ranks to return home to their families and fields. The British, on the other hand, were professional soldiers, with professional leaders, who marched on, whatever the odds and whatever they faced. He presents the soldiers as proper British citizens, highly mannered and considerate of the townspeople, and as their only objective, to capture and incapacitate the arms stored in Concord. However well intended the British soldiers were, a series of mis communications turned the seeming simple task into one that would enrage the colonials and add fuel to the already smoldering fire of the War for Independence. "Thus ended this Expedition, which from beginning to end was as ill planned and ill executed as it was possible to be...(Lieutenant Barker of the King's Own at his indictment" (p. 203).
Tourtellot has done extensive research in order to bring the events of the Battle of Lexington and Concord to life. The capacious "Notes" and "Bibliography" section of the book attest to his understanding of this important period in time. He has brought both sides of this conflict into perspective and offered the reader an in depth study of the story of Lexington and Concord. He has given the reader an understanding of the political, social, and emotional reasons why this conflict was so important in the birth of our nation.
The Beginning of the Revolution and Americas PerseveranceTourtellot goes into great detail describing both the physical landscape and political climate of America and that of Lexington and Concord in 1775, and then skillfully weaves the lives of the townspeople and their relationships, one with the other, into his story. The genealogies of the families involved, both the common folk and the major historical figures, are fascinating and add a personal touch to the history of that first skirmish. "The little group Captain Parker mustered on Lexington Common before daybreak on April nineteenth, 1775, had some of the characteristics of a family reunion" (p. 29). He makes the towns and their people come alive for the reader and adds a depth to the story that one does not get simply by reading about the Battle of Lexington and Concord from a history text or an encyclopedia. The contrasts of Samuel Adams and John Hancock make these two "larger than life" historical figures come to life in a new light. "Hancock was handsome...Adams was dumpy and palsied...Hancock...splendidly attired...Adams was so seedy that his friends had to buy him decent clothes..."(p.62). It has made this reader want to read more in depth about their lives along with those of men like Jonas Clarke, a relative of Hancock's, a pastor and political advocate of Lexington, Dr. Joseph Warren, patriot leader, Major General William Heath, the first American field commander. He does not forget an in depth look at the British and their officers in his story as their shortcomings and training play an integral part in the final outcome of this battle.
Tourtellot details the differences between the military forces of the Americans and the British and their differing military tactics. The American military was a hodgepodge of the men of the community who seldom mustered at the same time, whose leaders were chosen from the masses, and who would leave their ranks to return home to their families and fields. The British, on the other hand, were professional soldiers, with professional leaders, who marched on, whatever the odds and whatever they faced. He presents the soldiers as proper British citizens, highly mannered and considerate of the townspeople, and as their only objective, to capture and incapacitate the arms stored in Concord. However well intended the British soldiers were, a series of mis communications turned the seeming simple task into one that would enrage the colonials and add fuel to the already smoldering fire of the War for Independence. "Thus ended this Expedition, which from beginning to end was as ill planned and ill executed as it was possible to be...(Lieutenant Barker of the King's Own at his indictment" (p. 203).
Tourtellot has done extensive research in order to bring the events of the Battle of Lexington and Concord to life. The capacious "Notes" and "Bibliography" section of the book attest to his understanding of this important period in time. He has brought both sides of this conflict into perspective and offered the reader an in depth study of the story of Lexington and Concord. He has given the reader an understanding of the political, social, and emotional reasons why this conflict was so important in the birth of our nation.
Raphael recounts the people's rising anger towards the Crown because of the Massachusetts Goverment Act (1774). This act, which allowed the King to appoint officials instead of allowing the citizens to elect them, turned the people against the Crown. Through acts of civil disobedience, illegal conventions, and threats against appointed officials, the people of Massachusetts effectively took control of their government from the British.
This is a great book that focuses on an aspect of the Revolution that is usually ignored or lightly touched on in any History class or book about the Revolution. It shows that the Revolution was started and won by ALL the people of America, not just Washington, Jefferson, Adams, etc.....
Highly Recommended!